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PONARS Eurasia
PONARS Eurasia
  • About
    • Contact
    • Membership
      • About Membership
  • Policy Memos
    • List of Policy Memos
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  • Online Academy
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RECOMMENDED
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RSS PONARS Eurasia Podcast
  • The Communist Party of the Russian Federation: More Than Just Systemic Opposition? [Lipman Series 2021] March 5, 2021
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  • Understanding the Protests in Belarus [Lipman Series 2020] September 11, 2020
    In this week's PONARS Eurasia Podcast, Maria Lipman chats with Natalya Chernyshova (University of Winchester) and Nikolay Petrov (Chatham House) about the ongoing protests in Belarus, and what they mean for the future of the current regime.
  • Popular Opinion on the Khabarovsk Protests [Lipman Series 2020] August 14, 2020
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  • Commentary | Комментарии

Russia’s policy in the Middle East imperilled by the Syrian intervention

  • December 7, 2015
  • Pavel Baev

(oDR/NOREF) The Middle East is the only area where Russia can try to prove that it is not just a regional post-Soviet power with a revisionist agenda, but a global actor able to make a difference in managing crucial conflicts. A key reference point for President Vladimir Putin in this regard is the success of his September 2013 initiative to dismantle the Syrian chemical arsenal and prevent U.S. missile strikes against government targets. Syria has also become a central battleground in the ideological struggle against the threat of revolutions, which Putin elucidated in his address to the UN General Assembly on September 28th 2015.

Several shifts in the Middle Eastern political landscape during 2015 propelled Putin toward a direct use of force. The conclusion of the difficult negotiations on the Iranian nuclear programme in the P5+1 format has produced the prospect of western sanctions being lifted and the Iranian economy being opened for international business, which could reduce the usefulness of Russia’s special relations with Iran. The Russian strategic partnership with Turkey, which was shaped by the personal rapport between Putin and Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan, had been significantly eroded, so Moscow was less restrained by the risk of upsetting this relationship. The forces of the Asad regime in Syria had suffered several defeats in the summer battles with opposition groups of various persuasions, so that Latakia province (the home base of the Asad clan) had come under threat—and Moscow saw an urgent need to strengthen the grip on power of this key ally in the struggle against revolutions. […]

The full article is available at:

Open Democracy (Dec. 1)

The Norwegian Peacebuilding Resource Centre/Norsk Ressurssenter for Fredsbygging (NOREF) (Nov. 27)

For further reading:

Pavel Baev, Russian Air Power Is Too Brittle for Brinksmanship, PONARS Eurasia Policy Memo No. 398 (Nov. 10)

 

Pavel Baev
Website | + posts
Research Professor
Affiliation

Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO)
Links

PRIO (Bio)
Expertise

Russia, Military Reform, Caucasus, Central Asia, Energy, NATO
  • Pavel Baev
    https://ponarseurasia.org/members/pavel-baev/
    Will Russia Go for a Military Victory in Chechnya?
  • Pavel Baev
    https://ponarseurasia.org/members/pavel-baev/
    Putin's Court: How the Military Fits In
  • Pavel Baev
    https://ponarseurasia.org/members/pavel-baev/
    President Putin and His Generals: Bureaucratic Control and War-Fighting Culture
  • Pavel Baev
    https://ponarseurasia.org/members/pavel-baev/
    The Russian Navy after the Kursk: Still Proud but with Poor Navigation
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